I-CDDFP

I think David Friedman puts the case well. This if from The Machinery of Freedom---you can find the entire chapter webbed here.

A fourth possibility, and the last which I will consider, is that libertarianism is wrong and we should accept utilitarianism instead. According to the strict utilitarian position, rules, actions, ethics, must be judged solely by their effect on the sum (some utilitarians would say the average) of human happiness. Whatever increases happiness is good; whatever decreases it is bad. Libertarian principles are then valued only as a means, a set of rules that frequently lead to increases in total utility and should be rejected when they do not. This again is a possible interpretation of arguments that claim to derive libertarian principles from the nature of man, although not, in my experience, an interpretation that those who make such arguments are willing to accept.

One argument against utilitarianism is that it cannot be a correct moral rule because there is no way we can tell whether we are following it. We cannot observe other people's utility and are therefore unable to judge what will increase it. Even if we could observe individual utilities, we do not know how to compare the utility of different people and so have no way of judging whether a gain in happiness to one person does or does not balance a loss to another.

I find this argument unconvincing. Consider the act of buying a present. If you really have no knowledge at all about what makes other people happy, then buying a present is pure guesswork; you might just as well open a page of the Sears catalog at random, throw a dart at it, and buy whatever you hit. Nobody believes that; if we did, we would not buy presents.

Consider a court awarding damages. If we really know nothing at all about other people's utility, how can a court decide how much someone owes me for breaking my arm? For all the judge knows, I enjoyed having my arm broken. Assuming that I disliked it, he has no way of knowing whether my disutility for a broken arm is measured by a penny or a billion dollars.

We give presents and award damages, and we do not believe that other people's utility is entirely unobservable. What we do believe, or at least what many of us believe, is that each of us knows more about his own values than most other people do, and that people are therefore usually better off deciding what they want for themselves. That is one of the main arguments in favor of a free society. It is a long step from that to the claim that we know nothing at all about other people's values.

Even if we were entirely unable to observe other people's values, that would not necessarily prevent us from constructing a society designed to maximize total utility. Each person knows his own values, so all of us put together know everybody's values. In order to maximize the total utility of the society, we would construct rules and institutions that utilized all of that information via some sort of decentralized decisionmaking system, with each person making the decisions that require the particular knowledge he has.

This is not, of course, merely an abstract possibility. One of the strongest arguments in favor of letting people interact freely in a market under property rights institutions is that it is the best known way to utilize the decentralized knowledge of the society--including the knowledge that each individual has about his own values. The field of welfare economics largely consists of the analysis of the rules that lead to optimal outcomes under specified circumstances, where the outcomes are evaluated in terms of the preferences of the individuals concerned. One originator of modern economics, including much of welfare economics, was Alfred Marshall, an economist and utilitarian who viewed economic theory in part as a way of figuring out how to maximize total utility.

Even if individual preferences can be observed, either directly or as reflected in actions, we are still left with the problem of comparing them. How can we say whether something which makes one person worse off and another better off produces a net increase in human happiness?

The answer, I believe, is that we may not be able to make such comparisons very well or describe clearly how we make them, but we still do it. When you decide to give ten dollars worth of food and clothing to someone whose house has just burned down instead of sending a ten dollar check as an unsolicited gift to a random millionaire, you are expressing an opinion about which of them values the money more. When you decide where to take your children for vacation, you are making a complicated judgement about whether their total happiness will be greater camping in a forest or wading on the seashore. We cannot reduce the decision to a matter of precise calculation, but few of us doubt that the unhappiness A gets from the prick of a pin is less than the unhappiness B gets from being tortured to death.

Utilitarianism is a possible moral rule. The difficulties of applying it to real world problems are substantial, but so are the difficulties of applying an alternative rule such as minimizing coercion.

Friedman and I differ (I believe) in that I'm less skeptical of moral truths---or rather, more skeptical of economic truths.


Related posts:

Why IUCs?
Cardinal Schmardinal, Ordinal Schmordinal
Encoding Happiness
IUCs and the Law of Large Numbers
No Soul Suggests IUCs
Futilitarianism
I-CUP
Love and Intrapersonal Utility Comparison
What color does a submarine weigh? (True or False?)
Exploding IUCs on the roadside
Interpersonal Utility Comparisons
Pareto Efficiency and Justice
Can the Paradox of the Non-Comparability of Interpersonal Utility be Resolved?

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I hope none of this means

I hope none of this means that the individual should be sacrificed for the "greater good" (ends vs. means often leads to this ugly assertion), because that would be an ethic that is not universal, as any one of us could be that lone individual who is sacrificed. Not that such a terrible decision would never have to be made, just that it wouldn't be "ok".

Even if one accepts the commensurability of interpersonal utility, it would still be quite a stretch to then support state intervention. The inability of the central planner to take into account the dispersed knowledge Friedman mentions would prevent it from accomplishing much good. The central planner may not know, for instance, that a millionaire was planning on donating his bundle to a local orphanage, whereas the welfare recipient was going to blow his loot on some drink.

Much of his argument is

Much of his argument is irrelevant to the question of IUCs. For example, he writes:

One argument against utilitarianism is that it cannot be a correct moral rule because there is no way we can tell whether we are following it. We cannot observe other people’s utility and are therefore unable to judge what will increase it.

That's not what the debate over IUCs has been about. Stipulate that everyone in the entire world is omniscient concerning their own and everyone else's utility. The possibility of IUC does not follow. It is *comparison* which is at issue.

*Of course* we can tell what increases another person's utility: we offer him a choice and follow what he asks us to do. That has never, ever been at issue, to my knowledge.

I disagree. But I'm not

I disagree. But I'm not going to debate it.

I disagree. But I’m not

I disagree. But I’m not going to debate it.

You haven't said what you disagree with, but since you won't debate I guess it doesn't really matter.

The real problem with ends

The real problem with ends vs. means comparisons is that they generally fail to consider *all* the ends. Killing doesn't just affect the person killed for instance. Coercion that people don't support morally tends to create a general dis-morale that significantly depresses total utility. Too much looseness in rule of law breaks the incentive structure and causes huge ecnomic inefficiency, and often lots of private coercion. Almost all "ends justify means" arguments (when the means are obviously horrid) work by simply ignoring some of these enormous negative utility consequences of the means choice in question.

The fundamental problem with ends vs. means comparisons is that it's almost impossible to count the cost with sufficient accuracy to justify some means. If you really could know all the ends, you could justify anything, but you can't, there's always a lot of error, and the error alone, in all but extreme pathological circumstances, is enough to rule out means like "kill random people".

Michael, Yes, there are not

Michael,

Yes, there are not just immediate consequences but meta-consequences due to violations of principles.

-Brian

I agree with Constant: much

I agree with Constant: much of what Friedman says here is correct, but does not really address the issue of IUCs. For the gifts and court damages, for example, all you need is ordinal utility and *intra*personal comparisons (estimated by other persons, of course).

Only the last two or three paragraphs are relevant to IUCs. And here, Friedman is just making the familiar point that, yes, we try to make IUCs all the time. But that people make such comparisons doesn’t mean they are valid. (For my take on how to interpret such comparisons, see my latest post on Agoraphilia.)

This makes me feel gyped.

This makes me feel gyped. My 'Machinery of Freedom' ends at chapter 40.

I think if you buy the

I think if you buy the theory of mind, then you have to believe in IUC.

This does not mean that IUC is perfect. Indeed, if you believe that self evaluation of utilities is imperfect (which it is), then you have to believe that IUC is even more imperfect (two degrees of difficulty).

That being said, I actually occupy a middle ground between libertarianism and utilitarianism. Or more specifically, I'm a utilitarian, but believe that libertarianism should be the default approach to achieving utilitarianism.

There are times when IUC is possible and thus libertarianism may need to be sacrificed (social benefit may still be maximized from individual actions).

However, these situations are infrequent and hard to identify and a non-libertarian approach always increases variance in outcome (inherent added uncertainty from IUC), so a real good justification is required.

In the abstract, the only situations I can think of are tragedy of the commons and what I'll term natural public goods, but both of these are oversold and can sometimes be solved with a more libertarian approach.

Cross commented over at Agoraphilia

What's up with the funky

What's up with the funky titles?

And no, I haven't read the post yet. Maybe if it had a catchier title I would have.

What’s up with the funky

What’s up with the funky titles?

We used to have a joke we played in kindergarten. You'd say to someone, "Spell 'I cup'" and of course he'd go, "I See You Pee." And I'd be like, "You watch me pee? Gross!" And then of course there were the beatings.

At any rate, that's what I thought of when I read Brian's post and saw all these "IUC's" everywhere.

So, you watch David D

So, you watch David D Friedman pee? I guess that's some sort of midieval custom.

He makes me call him Duke

He makes me call him Duke Cariadoc while doing so.